The Connecticut state Senate recently passed a bill striking Orville and Wilbur Wright

The Connecticut state Senate recently passed a bill striking Orville and Wilbur Wright from history, and assigning credit for the first powered flight to Gustave Whitehead instead. Aviation historian John Brown found photographic evidence in March that Whitehead made a powered flight over Connecticut in 1901, "two years, four months, and three days before the Wright brothers."
In 1968, Connecticut declared Whitehead the “Father of Flight,” recognizing his contributions before there was evidence of his powered flight. Governor Dannel Malloy is expected to sign the new bill next week. Historians have long known that several individuals and groups were working on flying machines around the same time, including German immigrant Whitehead. But some historians remain unconvinced that Whitehead ever got off the ground. Though there are surviving written accounts, the photographic evidence is compelling but not definitive.


Another meteorite hits house in Conn.





A small meteorite was discovered Wednesday after hitting a house in Waterbury -- and from the looks of it, the Gods in charge of hurling rocks at Earth are aiming for Connecticut towns that begin with "W."
Oddly, all but one of the reported meteorite strikes in Connecticut over the centuries have occurred in towns beginning with the letter "W": Weston in 1807, Wethersfield in 1971 and 1982, Wolcott and Waterbury in 2013.
The Wethersfield occurrences were of particular interest, improbably hitting houses only 1½ miles apart and separated in time by 11 years.
Professor Stefan Nicolescu, mineralogist at the Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History, said the last two rocks to hit the state were likely from the same event.
The Wednesday discovery came just 19 days after a meteorite landed on a house in Wolcott and it landed less than a mile away from the earlier meteorite. It smashed through the Waterbury house's gutter and landed on the lawn. It was a recent event, although no one knows exactly when it happened, so both may have fallen at the same time, Nicolescu said.
"The first impression is that you would think that the two are connected," he said. "The Waterbury one was not an `observed fall,' so we really don't know exactly when it fell. We do know that it fell very recently, however."
He hasn't analyzed the Wolcott object yet, and he said that he won't know for sure whether the two space rocks are connected to the same objects until he has a chance to look at it.
So is Connecticut in the crosshairs of some sort of bizarre cosmic shooting gallery? Nicolescu says no.
"The Earth is hit by 15,000 tons of extraterrestrial material a year," he said, adding that since Connecticut is densely populated, the likelihood of finding meteorites are quite good.
He added that there are quite a few "meteor-wrongs" in the state, most of which are pieces of slag from blast furnaces in the city of Bristol.
"They're very strange-looking when you look at them, he said.
Cathryn J. Prince of Weston, who wrote about the 1807 Weston meteorite in her book, "A Professor, a President, and a Meteor: The Birth of American Science," said meteorites back then were truly terrifying to people of the time; rocks were not supposed to fall from the sky.
"In fact, many thought that they were some sort of weather phenomenon," she said.
Whereas the Wolcott meteorite split in two, the Waterbury object was found intact. It is about the size and shape of an avocado and weighs 1.6 pounds.
The homeowner contacted Nicolescu, the mineralogy collections manager at the Peabody, who also confirmed the identity of the Wolcott meteorite from last month.
Last month, a baseball-sized meteorite crashed into a Wolcott house damaging a roof and the attic. Area police reported that several residents reported hearing loud booms that night.
Wethersfield made Connecticut history by having meteorites hit two separate homes between 1971 and 1982. In both cases, the homes were occupied when the meteorites came crashing through the ceilings, although no one was injured.
The Weston meteorite fell Dec. 14, 1807. According to Prince, most of it fell in what is now Easton, which was founded in 1845 from 28.8 square miles carved out of Weston. Today, it's believed that none or almost none of the pieces fell in present-day Weston, although pieces were found in a swath that extended from Monroe to Fairfield.
The object was sufficiently bright to illuminate fields and barns, and there were reports of something strange streaking across the sky from as far away as Rutland, Vt.
The meteor broke up as it slammed into the earth's atmosphere at about 65,000 mph, and it soon seemed that Weston was a target of an artillery barrage, as dozens of rocks, one weighing 200 pounds, landed in the snow-covered fields.
According to Prince's book, the Weston meteorite provided the spark that over time turned the new nation, then populated largely by people who believed in the supernatural, into a scientific powerhouse.

1928: A Connecticut Writer On Understanding Disaster and Loss



Longtime Hamden resident Thornton Wilder received the Pulitzer Prize 75 years ago this month for his play, 'Our Town', but 85 years ago he received a Pulitzer for his novel, 'The Bridge Of San Luis Rey' — a book that continues to speak to us.
In the wake of recent terrorist attacks such as 9/11 and last month’s Boston Marathon bombing, questions often arise about why innocent people die or get maimed. Why are some spared and others not? Is there any rhyme or reason to it? These questions are front and center in Thornton Wilder’s 1928 Pulitzer Prize winning novel,The Bridge of San Luis Rey.

The novel’s famous opening sentence plunges us right into a disaster: “On Friday noon, July the twentieth, 1714, the finest bridge in all Peru broke and precipitated five travelers into the gulf below.” Brother Juniper, a Franciscan monk, witnesses the sudden violent deaths of these five people. He spends six years researching their lives in order to try to understand why they died. His research forms the bulk of the narrative of the story.

Among the five victims was the Marquesa de Montemayor, a rich, unhappy aristocratic woman who has centered her life around her daughter Clara, a young woman from whom she has long been alienated. She was walking on the bridge with her young servant, Pepita, when it collapsed. Another victim is a young man named Esteban who recently lost his twin brother, Manuel, to whom he was devoted. On the brink of suicide, Esteban had just decided to join a sea captain and go on a long voyage. He was on his way to meet the captain when the bridge collapsed. The final two victims are an old man named Uncle Pio and a boy named Don Jaime. Uncle Pio had managed the career of the actress Camila Perichole, who had recently suffered from smallpox, a disease that has adversely affected her personal appearance. Uncle Pio had convinced Camila to allow her son, Don Jaime, to go to Lima with him for an education. They were headed there when the bridge suddenly collapsed.

Early in the novel, the narrator poses the central question raised by the sudden, unexpected deaths of five people: ““Either we live by accident and die by accident, or we live by plan and die by plan. Some say that we shall never know and that to the gods we are like the flies that the boys kill on a summer day, and some say, on the contrary, that the very sparrows do not lose a feather that has not been brushed away by the finger of God.” It is Brother Juniper’s intent to prove there was a divine purpose in the five deaths. It is the narrator’s intent to pose other possible explanations.

It is interesting to note that love is a common theme central to the victims’ lives. Dona Maria (the Marquesa de Montemayor) was reared by parents who were more interested in material things, and so she was starved for love. Her arranged marriage at 26 to an unfeeling man compounded her predicament. When she delivered her baby — Dona Clara — her pent-up need for affection resulted in an obsession for the child that went unrequited. Pepita, the orphan who was sent by the Abbess to serve Dona Maria, ironically becomes the source of Dona Maria’s salvation. The Marquesa accidentally discovers a letter written by Pepita to the Abbess in which the young girl reveals her love for Dona Maria. Realizing that someone cares for her, Dona Maria feels more settled and fulfilled and heads back to Lima with Pepita. While en route, they fall from the bridge.

Esteban is another character who experiences unrequited love. His deep affection for his twin brother, Manuel, is not equally reciprocated. He feels hurt when Manuel falls for the vain actress Camila Perichole. Manuel then dies from an infection, inducing thoughts of suicide into the mind of Esteban. At his low point, a sea captain whom he respects, sent by the Abbess, reaches out to help Esteban and offers to take him on a long sea voyage. Captain Alvarado, who lost his little daughter to death, states, “"We do what we can. We push on, Esteban, as best we can. It isn't for long, you know. Time keeps going by. You'll be surprised at the way time passes." He is on his way to join the captain when the bridge falls.

Uncle Pio has also experienced unrequited love. He managed the career of Camila Perichole, whom he secretly adored. When her vanity led her to an unhappy affair with a nobleman and, later, to a disfiguring bout with smallpox, Uncle Pio was attempting to take her sickly son, Don Jaime, to Lima for an education when they both fell off of the bridge.Their deaths bring despair to Camila Perichole who says, "I have no heart. I fail everybody. They love me and I fail them." Broken, she, too, is nevertheless redeemed by the love of the Abbess.

In the end, the narrator informs us that the community rejects Brother Juniper’s explanation of divine purpose and labels him as a heretic: “I shall spare you Brother Juniper's generalizations. They are always with us. He thought he saw in the same accident the wicked visited by destruction and the good called early to Heaven.”

The community burns Brother Juniper at the stake, along with a copy of his book. We are left, finally, with the words of the Abbess — Madre Maria del Pilar — on the power and meaning of love: “But soon we shall die and all memory of those five will have left the earth, and we ourselves shall be loved for a while and forgotten. But the love will have been enough; all those impulses of love return to the love that made them. Even memory is not necessary for love. There is a land of the living and a land of the dead and the bridge is love, the only survival, the only meaning.” Following the 9/11 tragedy of 2001, it was former British Prime Minister Tony Blair who inspired many by quoting this very passage from Wilder’s novel.

The words of the Abbess steer us away from the simplistic generalizations of Brother Juniper’s calculations of good getting rewarded and evil getting punished through the intercession of divine Providence and toward a deeper appreciation of the enduring and redemptive power of love to give meaning to human experience, even in the face of disaster and tragedy. This is why the words of longtime Hamden, CT, resident Thornton Wilder from 85 years ago especially resonate following the sudden, horrible maiming and loss of life in incidents such as the Boston Marathon bombing.

History of Connecticut's Native American Tribes Explored in New Book, and Misconceptions



Native Americans have long been seen as having been at one with their landscapes, honoring the earth and its creatures and leaving only the soft imprints of their moccasins to mark their passing. This impression verges on the truth, but thanks to the work of dedicated scientists such as archaeologist Dr. Lucianne Lavin, director of research and collections at the Institute of American Indian Studies in Washington, Conn., a much fuller picture of the lives of pre-European contact Native Americans in Connecticut is now available.

Dr. Lavin recently published “Connecticut’s Indigenous Peoples: What Archaeology, History and Oral Traditions Teach Us About Their Communities and Cultures” (Yale University Press/$45), the first book in more than 20 years to explore more than 10,000 years of pre-European history in Connecticut.

The book encompasses many discoveries made in the past two and a half decades, discoveries that add a fuller picture of Indian life and culture, and contains a plethora of maps and line illustrations, as well as photographs of site work and the best artifacts in the state of Connecticut.

For most modern Connecticut residents, the history of the state began in 1614 when Dutch explorer Adriaen Block sailed up Connecticut River. Settlement became brisk with the arrival of the English in the 1630s, but this ignores the more than 10 millennia of Native American occupation before Block’s cruise up what the Indians called the “long tidal river,” the quinnetukut, the river that later gave the Connecticut colony its name.

Dr. Lavin said this “invisible” Connecticut history is echoed today in attitudes toward the survivors of these early native people. “When people think of Indians, they tend to think of Western Indians,” she said as she sat in the spring sunshine that dabbled the woodlands around the Institute of American Indian Studies. “They have been so much less acculturated in the West—a lot of those Indians never even saw a white man before 1900 and didn’t speak English.”

In the East, 400 years have elapsed since first contact—400 years of genocide, prejudice, cultural indoctrination, intermarriage and dispersal of homelands. As a result, Dr. Lavin argues in her book, most Easterners do not recognize the Indians in their midst. “Many people I meet do not know that tribal communities continued to exist in or near their ancestral homelands throughout the last 400 years of Euro-American settlement in Connecticut,” she writes. “Misconceptions about ‘historical’ Native Americans abound. Specifically, they include the erroneous notions that all indigenous people moved west to get away from the Europeans or died out from the effects of warfare and disease … .”

Dr. Lavin’s book, while treating extensively the record of life pieced together from the archaeological record, also puts to rest the idea that native peoples are gone from our midst. The last two chapters of the book deal with the time from European contact to the present.

She finds the strictures imposed by the U.S. government on Indian tribes trying to receive federal recognition of their historic status to be ludicrous. Proving genealogical descent can be difficult when dealing with societies that did not keep written records. In addition, there was much movement among the tribes—especially after they began to be dispersed by warfare with the whites. Native American communities often welcomed non-tribal members into their communities.

“What is really offensive is that the government tells tribes who they can have on their tribal rolls,” the archaeologist said. “The tribes always allowed people to come in since the 16th and 17th centuries. A Jesuit priest who visited a Seneca village wrote that there weren’t many Senecas there because they had invited so many others into the village. There was a lot of movement going on.”

She said that recent studies have indicated that the movement often covered long distances, apparently including trade with tribes from the Midwest during the period before first contact. “Since A.D. 1000, there has been tons of movement east of the Mississippi,” she said. “You had the Hopewell/Adena [A.D. 700-1000] interaction spheres—there were a whole bunch of spheres with the trading of goods and ideas, a lot of population movement. During the Mississipian time, roughly A.D. 100 to first contact, you had huge [mound] complexes of 10,000 to 20,000 people in the Midwest, East and Southeast that some people think were incipient states.”

These cultures apparently sent out traders who had contact with Connecticut tribes. “What they got out of here was soap stone and marine shells,” reported Dr. Lavin. “Marine shells had great spiritual value—the Iroquois used them in political activity—and they have been found in graves.”

She noted that a lot of “exotic” artifacts have been uncovered in the Farmington River Valley, many in burial contexts. “Most have been made out of exotic slates found in Pennsylvania,” she said.

She wondered why these stones would be found in Farmington Valley sites until she looked at a map. “I saw that it is only a short portage from the Farmington to the Housatonic,” she said. “And only a short portage from the Housatonic to the Hoosic, which feeds into the Hudson, which connects to the Mohawk River, which flows right into the Midwest. They were using the waterways for trading.”

She said that many of the archaeological sites identified with Native American occupation in Connecticut have been found along the coast and on interior waterways because these sites are easier to see. Interior sites are often identified through accidental discovery, but that does not mean they do not exist in considerable numbers, she said. During the early periods, it is probable most sites were near swamps or lakes, but later moved near waterways used for transportation.

She said she has discovered spiritual monuments in areas where farming probably has not been conducted. “People always think stone cairns were piled up by farmers,” she said, “but a lot of them were probably monuments. I have seen stone piles shaped like turtles or snakes made with long pieces of stone. I have seen a number of stone piles in swamps where there never would have been farming. They are always on top of ridges overlooking springs or vernal ponds, which were considered sacred places.”

She noted that Monument Mountain in Great Barrington, Mass., was named for a large cairn established by Indians. “We know it was built by Indians because the interpreter for [Stockbridge’s first missionary to the Indians] John Sargent told him that every Indian that passed the monument threw a stone on it and said, ‘I remember you, grandfather.’ Of course, we don’t know who ‘grandfather’ was.”

Indeed, she said, the ‘invisible” past of Connecticut’s Native Americans is more evident than we think. Most of the roads we drive today were once Indian trails. Route 7, for instance, follows the Old Berkshire Path, while Route 44 was an east-west corridor.

Connecticut’s Native Americans have endured a cultural odyssey, but Dr. Lavin’s interest in New World archaeology represents her own educational odyssey. A Connecticut native, she was originally interested in linguistics and envisioned herself as a U.N. interpreter—a focus on modern languages that was spiced up by a curiosity about the past. “When I was an undergraduate at the University of Indiana, I wanted to learn Mesopotamian, to learn cuneiform,” she related.

Her mother, Marie Michrina Neff, to whom the book is dedicated, encouraged Dr. Lavin to try archaeology. “She was very interested in Biblical archaeology,” said Dr. Lavin. “I took a course and loved it. Archaeology is never boring. And it’s not just one course [of studies]—you need to know geology, botany, languages, art … .”

She wanted to go into Biblical archaeology—her mother’s passion—but after graduation she was offered a full fellowship at New York University, where she earned her Master of Arts degree and Ph.D. That fellowship focused on New World studies, however.

Her studies started her on a distinguished career in Northeastern archaeology and anthropology that has included teaching, development of museum exhibits and curatorial work, along with cultural resource management and writing. She is a member of Connecticut’s Native American Heritage Advisory Council, and editor of the journal of the Archaeological Society of Connecticut.

She has taught at a number of Connecticut and New York colleges, and during her term as a research associate at the Peabody Museum of Natural History at Yale University she co-directed its current “Connecticut Prehistory” exhibit and wrote the accompanying teacher’s manual. She was awarded the Russell award by the Archaeological Society of Connecticut and elected a Fellow of the New York State Archaeological Association for exemplary archaeology work in their respective states.

Success is sweet in retrospect, but it was not easy at the beginning. “A lot of women didn’t go into archaeology because in the 1960s it was considered to be a man’s discipline,” she said. “At Indiana, when we took labs, girls were not allowed to do experiments. It was assumed that girls went to college just to marry a college man. After I got my master’s I had a married girlfriend who really pushed me to get married.”

She did marry and have children, but that did not stop her career progression. It is a career that shows no sign of slowing for the busy archaeologist. She continues to work on sites in Connecticut—work begins anew this year on a Warren site dating back 5,000 years—and she continues to lecture and write. She is beginning a sequel to her just-published work that will investigate more thoroughly the Indians who lived in the Northwest Corner. She is working with Dr. Laurie Weinstein, a professor at Western Connecticut State University on this research.

For more on the Institute of American Indian Studies

DC Behind the Monuments: The city's ugliest statue.

DC Behind the Monuments: The city's ugliest statue.: A temperance fountain was a fountain that was set up, usually by a private benefactor, to encourage people not to drink beer by t...

After 200+ years, Roger Sherman gets into Hall of Fame


Connecticut schools, parks and buildings have been named for Roger Sherman, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence.
Now, more than two centuries after his death, Sherman has made it into the Connecticut Hall of Fame.
"After 292 years, it's about time," said Lisa Roush, curator of the New Milford Historical Society and Museum.
Roger Sherman, who lived in New Milford, was inducted into the hall last Wednesday.
Sherman's name is now on display in the Legislative Office Building in Hartford, joining the likes of Mark Twain, Igor Sikorsky and Katharine Hepburn. 
Also inducted with Sherman were UConn women's basketball coach Geno Auriemma and former UConn men's basketball coach Jim Calhoun.
Though it might seem the honor was long overdue, the Hall of Fame was created just seven years ago.
In 1745, Sherman moved to New Milford from New Fairfield. He became a prominent New Milford landowner, owned a mercantile business near the present Town Hall and surveyed much of Litchfield County, where he extended his personal land holdings.
Sherman was a local politician and became New Milford's representative to the Connecticut Assembly in 1755.
"Never one to stand on the sidelines, Roger Sherman knew that in order to obtain freedom and liberty and to get out from under the yoke of oppression, a revolution was necessary," said state Rep. Cecilia Buck-Taylor, a Republican who represents New Milford.
"Sherman was an early supporter of the American fight against the British. His well-deserved recognition in the Connecticut Hall of Fame acknowledges his prominence in both Connecticut and American history," Buck-Taylor added. 
The nearby town of Sherman is named for him.
Roger Sherman was one of 56 men to sign the Declaration of Independence, and was one of a committee of five to help draft the document. He signed the Articles of Confederation and the U.S. Constitution.
The Roger Sherman exhibit in the New Milford Historical Society Museum on Aspetuck Avenue includes duplicate documents, a large diorama and a time line depicting Sherman's work and accomplishments.
It also features a lithograph of John Trumbull's painting of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776, with Sherman standing prominently at the front with Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams and John Hancock.
Sherman served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to 1791, then as a U.S. senator from 1791 to 1793, when he died in New Haven at the age of 72.

50 Years Ago: 7 Connecticut Men Died In Worst Ever Submarine Disaster



The USS Thresher, while conducting deep water test dives 200 miles east of Cape Cod, lost power and imploded in 8,400 feet of water. All 129 men aboard were killed instantly.

Powered by a nuclear reactor, the USS Thresher was on the cutting edge of attack submarines at the height of the Cold War in 1963. It bristled with the latest in sonar technology and weapons systems.

The 278-foot long attack sub shaped like a cigar was built at the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard in New Hampshire. Its keel was laid down on Jan. 15, 1958, and it was launched on July 9, 1960. At the time it was the fastest and quietest attack submarine in operation; most appropriately, its motto was “Vis Tacita”—silent power.

Its home base was Groton, CT. In should come as no surprise that there were many Connecticut ties to the ill-fated submarine.

The crew of 129, including 17 civilians, left Portsmouth at 8 a.m. on April 8, 1963, and proceeded to a point in the North Atlantic about 200 miles east of Cape Cod for a test dive. While conducting a deep water dive of about 1,000 feet, the Thresher lost its power. Investigators of the disaster believe that a water pipe burst, sending out a stream that affected nearby electrical components. That bursting pipe set off a series of cascading events that caused the sub to sink slowly and irretrievably to a depth where the water pressure on its hull was so extreme that it imploded, killing the crew instantly.

The implosion probably occurred between 1,200 and 1,500 feet. The remains of the Thresher then settled on the bottom at a depth of 8,400 feet, where they were discovered by deep sea explorer Robert Ballard of Old Lyme in 1985 — on the same voyage of exploration that Ballard found the Titanic!

The incident remains the single largest submarine disaster in terms of loss of life in history. The vast majority of the crew had attended submarine school in New London; additionally, many had received training in understanding nuclear reactors from Combustion Engineering.

CE’s marine nuclear propulsion training facility — known as S1C — was in Windsor, CT. Most of the crew had spent time in Windsor to learn about nuclear propulsion in a submarine. (S1C was later called the Knolls Atomic Power Laboratory and was eventually decommissioned about 15 years ago.) Also, since the sub’s home base was in Groton, most of the crew lived nearby in various Connecticut communities.

The disaster hit Connecticut especially hard. Among the dead were the Shafer brothers of Groton. Both were graduates of Fitch High School. The older of the Shafer brothers was Benjamin, born in 1926 and a member of the Fitch Class of 1944. A World War II Naval veteran, Ben had a keen interest in electronics, especially radios.

After the war, he took a job as a welder at Electric Boat in 1946. In 1949, he decided to re-enlist in the Navy and became a master electrician’s mate. He was assigned to the Thresher in February of 1961. He left behind his wife, a daughter, three sons, and both of his parents in North Stonington.

The Shafer parents also had to endure the loss of another son on the Thresher —their son, John. John Shafer was a senior electrician’s mate. John had graduated from Fitch in 1947 and had similar interests in electronics as his older brother. John joined the Navy after graduation and was initially assigned to the carrier Roosevelt. John later served on four other submarines before joining his older brother on Sept. 21, 1961. He was survived by four sons as well as his parents, a brother, and three sisters.

The following men with Connecticut ties also perished on the Thresher:

Lt. Robert D. Biederman — A Hartford native and Weaver High grad, Lt. Biederman had just been assigned to the sub three months before the disaster. He was the superintendent for non-nuclear work. Biederman was survived by his wife and four children as well as his mother, four brothers, and three sisters.

Seaman David A. Wasel — A New Britain native, David Wasel graduated from high school there in 1959 and joined the Navy. Six of Wasel’s uncles had served in the military during World War II, so military service was a family tradition. Wasel had been assigned to the Thresher just five weeks before it was lost at sea. Besides his parents, David Wasel left behind his brother, Robert.

Engineman 2nd Class Richard P. Brann — A Windsor Locks High School grad of 1957, Richard Brann joined the Navy immediately upon graduation. He had served on another sub — theWahoo — prior to being assigned to the Thresher in February of 1961. Besides his wife, Richard left behind his parents and two brothers on North St. in Windsor Locks. One of his brothers, Danny, was a childhood friend of mine.

Lt. Frank J. Malinski — Though born in New Jersey, Frank Malinski grew up in Fairfield County in the town of Stratford. He was a Fairfield Prep grad in 1957. Malinski then attended Holy Cross College, graduating in 1961. He soon joined the Navy and became a lieutenant, taking advanced training in nuclear power. He was assigned to the Thresher just two months before it was lost. Just 23 when he died, Lt. Malinski was survived by his parents.

Lt. John Smarz Jr. — Born in Shelton, CT, in 1929, John Smarz graduated from high school there in 1947 and joined the Navy. He studied electronics first, then he became qualified as a nuclear reactor operator. He served on one other sub before being assigned to the ill-fated Thresher in August of 1960. He left behind his parents, his wife, and three sons.

Five of the seven Connecticut men onboard the Thresher had jobs that dealt with electrical components and the operation of the nuclear reactor. One can only imagine the central role that those five Connecticut guys had in trying to re-start the crippled sub and the fear that must have gripped them as the sub sank ineluctably to its watery grave.

Men from 34 states, the Philippines, and Washington, D.C. perished on the Thresher. By far, the most victims came from New York — 17. Massachusetts was next with 10, followed by Maine with nine. Both New Hampshire and Connecticut lost seven of its native sons to the sea fifty years ago on April 10, 1963.

Just this past Sunday, hundreds of people, including relatives of the lost men, attended a memorial service for the victims of the Thresher in Kittery, Maine. At that service a 129 foot flagpole — one foot for every victim — was dedicated to their memory in a village close to the sea where they all rest. Just as the limp flag reached the top of the pole a strong wind kicked up and blew the flag straight out from the pole and toward the sea, snapping it to attention, as if to salute the victims. It seemed eerily appropriate.



Convent of Notre Dame, Waterbury


Waterbury train station


Rare Giraffe Born: Endangered Rothschild Giraffe at Connecticut Conservation Site Stands Up




Rrare site graced a zoo in Connecticut in the early hours this weekend. On March 22 at the LEO Zoological Conservation Center, an endangered Rothschild giraffe, Petal, went into the early stages of labor. The 6-year-old giraffe gave birth to a healthy, female calf, and bonded extremely well with her new baby. Workers also reported the young mother as being very attentive, who soon began nurturing her new calf, according to ABC News. (And just for those of us who didn't know, a calf is the term for a baby giraffe--not just a baby cow.)
Sources say the new baby can be noted for her curious nature, as she was standing and nursing just 30 minutes after birth. Mother giraffes give birth while standing, according to the Giraffe Conservation Foundation, following an average 15 month gestation period. Her birth marks a huge milestone for the low impact conservation center, as she is the first giraffe born at the facility and quite possibly the first in Connecticut's history.
The Rothschild giraffe, found in Africa, is classified as endangered on IUCN Red List and there are fewer than 670 left in the wild. LEOZCC is a nonprofit, accredited conservation center and offsite breeding facility specializing in species at risk and conservation based education programs. LEOZCC is no stranger to newborns and is expecting more giraffe, tapir, kangaroo and primate births this Spring.

Gun Making Part Of Connecticut's Fabric




From coast to coast, politicians and pundits quickly grasped the irony when the shooting tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown landed Connecticut, the home and birthplace of the American firearms industry, at the center of a national feeding frenzy about guns.
Just days before this horrific event, Gov. Dannel P. Malloy's economic development team offered a low-interest loan to the very company whose product — the Bushmaster AR-15 semiautomatic rifle — was used in the killings. It's hard to imagine worse timing. And yet, as a matter of policy, it's reassuring to know that they have their eye on the ball concerning one of Connecticut's oldest and most distinguished industry clusters — firearms and precision manufacturing.
Like it or not — guns are us. Or rather, the economic and technological benefits that stemmed from Connecticut's internationally significant role in the development of machine-based manufacturing literally changed the world of work and helped make Connecticut rich. One needn't be passionately interested in this local product to be aware and even grateful for its remarkable history and legacy in our culture and economy. Indeed, our congressional delegation is busy laying tracks for a national historic site in Hartford's Coltsville, where this story will be told.
Connecticut's "Industry Cluster Initiative" develops resources to help our core industries compete globally and grow jobs. The bioscience, software/information technology and plastics industry clusters are relative newcomers. The insurance and financial services cluster is big and visible. In times past, we dominated hats, undergarments, shellfish, typewriters and sewing machines, electroplating, textiles, poultry and tobacco. Dean Nelson at the Museum of Connecticut History claims that, in 1880, half the products on the shelves in hardware stores across America were produced in Connecticut.
We were America's workshop. Famous monikers like the Brass Valley, Silver City, Thread City, Whaling City, Insurance City and Hardware City branded our industries to specific places. Most of our cities developed around industry clusters. It doesn't get much sweeter than when your community has 80 percent of the world market for a product.
Industry clusters are ecosystems. Once developed, they feed on themselves as technology, know-how and skilled labor converge around a specialized task or function. But they are also fragile and don't sustain themselves by accident. Connecticut was once the breadbasket of the Eastern Seaboard. Agriculture moved west, and in more recent times our textile industry moved south.
Firearms are controversial. But for the military, police and sportsmen they are indispensible. Our region's firearms industry isn't as big as it used to be, but there are still half a dozen key manufacturers — including such iconic brands as Colt's Manufacturing Co. and, just over the border in Springfield and Westfield, Smith & Wesson and Savage Arms.
Moreover, the firearms industry has long been interwoven with and helped spawn aerospace, machine tool and related forms of precision manufacturing. It's a fascinating history vividly brought to life in the Connecticut Valley at the American Precision Museum in Windsor, Vt., housed in the historic Robbins & Lawrence Armory building. One of its founders, Richard Lawrence, seeking larger capital and labor markets, built the Sharps Rifle Manufacturing Co. in Hartford during the 1850s.
There is hardly a more inspiring story in Connecticut's history then the rapid spiraling up of this industry cluster in Hartford, New Haven and Middletown during the 1850s. Some historians believe that if the Army officials had adopted Connecticut's cutting-edge arms technology at the beginning of the Civil War, the war would have ended much sooner and with less loss of life.
Industry clusters are inherently unstable. Firearms, aerospace, machine tools — we should be very careful about disturbing any aspect of this ecosystem.
I think it is time to adopt more rigorous background checks for gun permits and close the gun show loophole. The tragedy and grief of Newtown will be with us for years. But let's not get all wobbly. Demonizing firearms and the firearms industry will accomplish one and only one thing. We will weaken a key industry cluster, jobs will be lost and we will diminish Connecticut's competitiveness in the global economy.
William Hosley of Enfield is author of "Colt: The Making of an American Legend" and is a founding member of the Coltsville Ad Hoc Committee for the National Park.


Trove of Amistad letters will stay in Connecticut



The Connecticut Historical Society, buoyed by an outpouring of community support, has won a bidding war for a trove of 19th century letters relating to the Amistad incident.
The $66,000 purchase guarantees that researchers and the public will have access to the 94 letters, written by the daughter of an abolitionist family in Farmington, for generations to come.
"We're still kind of stunned,' said Richard Malley, head of research and collections for the society. "This is unprecedented in our experience.'
Last week, Swann Auction Galleries in New York City offered up an assortment of Amistad items, including a rare, first edition pamphlet about the celebrated Amistad case and an engraving of the Amistad captives' leader, Sengbe Pieh, also was known as Cinque.
Most prized of all was a cache of letters written by Charlotte Cowles of Farmington, whose family took in one of the Africans and who mentioned them in several of her letters.
"We've had people calling since the day of the auction, saying, ' OK, when might we be able to look at this material.' It clearly resonates,' Malley said. "This collection is so rich in giving us a sense of what was going on in a small town in Connecticut in the 1830s and '40s.'
The Amistad case has long been cited as a key development in U.S. civil rights history.
In 1839, off the coast of Cuba, a group of African prisoners staged a revolt aboard the ship, La Amistad. They demanded to be taken to Africa, but instead were seized near Long Island and jailed in New Haven.
The U.S. Supreme Court eventually ruled in the Africans' favor, giving them their freedom, but they remained in Connecticut for an extended period while trying to raise the money to travel back to Africa.
Malley said the historical society's winning bid for the letters was actually a collaboration. The bid included pledges gathered by the Farmington Historical Society, a donation by a former CHS trustee and a donation from Farmington Bank.
"The sense of pride in local history, on short notice, was remarkable,' Malley said.
The pre-auction appraisal of the letters valued them at $30,000 to $40,000. Malley said at least two other parties were bidding on the Cowles letters. Malley was bidding via phone.
"There was a very vigorous back and forth, even before I got a bid in,' Malley said.
He could not give a date for when the letters would be available for researchers to examine. However, he stressed the process would be as swift as possible.
"We know there are lots of people very interested in seeing this material,' Malley said.

Connecticut Cops Brutally Beat Up a Suspect In Local Park


 

Three Connecticut cops were put on administrative leave after an incriminating video of them beating up a suspect was released online by an anonymous user. Veterans of the Bridgeport Police Department – Elson Morales, Joseph Lawlor and Clive Higgins were caught on tape kicking and stomping on a man previously incapacitated with a stun gun.

A shaky video that goes in and out of focus captures the moment the suspect is shot with the stun gun and knocked to the ground paralyzed. One of the officers exclaims “Nice shot!” and walks over to the fallen man, kicking him as the other cop is standing by.

He quickly joins in and they go on kicking and stomping on the helpless suspect. Sirens can be heard in the background as another patrol car is arriving to the scene, and the third officer uses the chance to join his coworkers and land a couple of kicks himself just before the backup arrives.

There were a couple of witnesses observing the brutal beating, but that didn’t keep the cops from acting the way they did. President of the Greater Bridgeport branch of the NAACP, Carolyn Vermont, described the cops’ behavior as “totally unacceptable”.

“No person should be treated as an animal, no matter what they are charged with”, she said.

Police Chief Joseph Gaudett Jr. refused to reveal the name of the suspect or the charges against him, but it was confirmed that he is currently serving prison time.

The victim didn’t file a charge against the three cops but Chief Gaudett assures the public they’re currently on leave and under investigation.

Bridgeport Police Shown In Video Are Subjects Of Separate Brutality Complaint




— Two of the three cops shown apparently beating a man in a video at Beardsley Park are the subject of a pending police brutality complaint filed by a disabled man.

On May 23, 2011, three days after the Beardsley Park beating reportedly took place, Officer Christina Arroyo stopped Ramon Sierra for questioning, Sierra claims in a letter that he wrote to Chief Joseph Gaudett Jr. seeking an investigation.

John G. Roberts, Jr. Lawyers Civil Rights Justice and Rights Freedom of Information Act YouTube Another officer, Elson Morales — who is one of the officers identified in the Beardsley Park videotape — soon arrived at the scene at the corner of Boston and Noble avenues.

Sierra said that, without warning, Morales "put his hands on me, and I asked him what he was doing."

"The next thing I knew, Officer Morales and an officer later identified as Officer (Joseph) Lawlor both threw me violently to the ground, and on the way down, the left side of my face struck one of the police cars on the scene, causing a bad laceration," the complaint states.

Lawlor is also identified in the Beardsley Park videotape.

Sierra said that one of the officers then told him to put his hands behind his back, but because he has limited use of his right arm, he was unable to do so. Sierra said that he is disabled and is partially paralyzed on the left side as well as having limited mobility on his right.

"I told the officers this, but they continued to assault me violently, finally handcuffing my hands in front of my body,'' Sierra wrote in his letter to Gaudett.

Sierra was transported to the hospital and later charged with interfering with a cop and assaulting a public safety officer. His criminal case is pending at Superior Court in Bridgeport.

Sierra filed a civilian complaint in October 2011. That complaint is pending. Sierra has been interviewed twice by the department's internal affairs office, including once with his attorney, Sally Roberts of New Britain.

Bridgeport police spokesman William Kaempffer confirmed Tuesday night that an internal affairs investigation is pending and said the department would not comment.

Morales and Lawlor are two of the officers seen in the video showing police apparently stomping on a man in Beardsley Park, which surfaced on YouTube a few weeks ago. It was taken by an unknown person in the park on May 20, 2011, according to Robert M. Berke, the Bridgeport lawyer representing Orlando Lopez, 27, who says that he's the man the officers assaulted.

In a federal lawsuit against the officers dated Sunday, Lopez charged that the "physical assault by the defendants" resulted in him sustaining severe pain, a laceration of his lip requiring several stitches resulting in a scar, bruises on his body and face, and a fracture to his hand.

The third officer in the park video is Clive Higgins. All three men are on desk duty pending an investigation of that incident, police said.

Sierra's complaint also lists Officer Paul Scillia, who was recently disciplined by Gaudett and removed from the department's emergency services unit for refusing to take a drug test, and Arroyo, police said.

Both Lawlor and Arroyo are defendants in a pending federal police brutality case filed against the police department by William Feliciano. That lawsuit alleges that following a car chase in December 2010, several Bridgeport cops beat him while he was on the ground, breaking his jaw in three places.

The lawsuit names seven officers, including Lawlor and Arroyo, but does not specify who participated in the alleged assault.

Roberts, Sierra's attorney, has filed a Freedom of Information Act complaint against the police department, claiming that it has stalled the investigation into Sierra's complaint. In filing the complaint, Roberts included Sierra's initial letter seeking the investigation as well as correspondence with police and city attorneys.

"Mr. Sierra is tired of the games the department is playing in blatantly stalling on this matter, and requests that this information be provided ASAP,'' Roberts wrote in a Dec. 9, 2012, letter to Sgt. Tjuana Bradley-Webb, the internal affairs officer assigned Sierra's complaint.

Five days later, Roberts filed the freedom of information complaint, alleging that the department was "blatantly stalling."

"The department is well aware of Mr. Sierra's pending criminal matter and naturally, will do everything possible, in coordination with the prosecutor, to prevent Mr. Sierra from gaining access to the [internal affairs] case," Roberts wrote.

The FOI Commission has not yet set a date for a hearing on the matter. Roberts could not be reached for comment Tuesday.

Following the release of the Beardsley Park video, Gaudett ordered an internal investigation of the incident and also referred the matter to the state's attorney's office for review.

 

Police Brutality Caught on Camera: Lawyer


 

Orlando Lopez has filed a $1 million lawsuit against three Bridgeport officers.

A Bridgeport man has filed a lawsuit claiming police brutality against three Bridgeport cops. The suit was filed Monday, days after a video surfaced on YouTube of an arrest of Orlando Lopez. The video shows the officers standing above Lopez and kicking him as he is lying on the ground. Officers used a stun gun on Lopez during the arrest in Beardsley Park on May 20, 2011. Lopez and his family say the officers had every right to used excessive force by kicking and stomping on Lopez after he had been subdued.

The lawsuit claims officers Elson Morales, Joseph Lawlor and Clive Higgins deprived Lopez of his right to be free from excessive force and his right to due process. Lopez is seeking $1 million in the lawsuit.

"He was embarrassed and scared, his word against police," said Attorney Robert Berke, about the 20-month delay in filing the lawsuit on behalf of Lopez. "Having this tape changes the ballgame."

The three officers have been assigned to desk duty while the department investigates the incident.

Bridgeport swears in new officers following police brutality allegations


 
BRIDGEPORT, Conn. (WTNH) -- Bridgeport is getting some new cops on the heels of police brutality allegations. 28 new officers are graduating from the academy just one week after a YouTube video surfaced showing officers kicking a hand-cuffed suspect.

After two alleged incidents of brutality, the bridgeport police department is trying rebuild its reputation and the newly sworn-in officers hope they can help.

28 graduates of the Bridgeport Police academy saluted, shook hands and took the oath. Some will work in neighboring communities and 19 will serve in the state's largest city.

"This is my home town and I'm glad to be working for my home town," said Officer Juan Esquilin.

Bridgeport swears in these new cops the same week the department received two complaints of police brutality.

The first complain came from Olando Lopez-Soto. In a video taken more than a year ago, Lopez-Soto was handcuffed as he was kicked and stomped on by Bridgeport Police. Those Officers are now on administrative duty.

"There's no excuse for that. I mean, the guy was handcuffed. I don't know the circumstances, I don't know what happened before or whatever but I do pray for these officers," said Officer. Esquilin.

The second complaint of excessive force comes from a family of five, charged with breach of peace and interfering with an officer. They say officers harassed them and tazed the father of the family, sending him to the hospital.

The message today was to respect residents of the communities they serve.

"Remember, kindness is not a sign of weakness," said Chief Gaudett. "How you act reflects on all of us. Make us proud."

"Get to know you're community because you never know when you're going to need their help," said Officer Esquilin

Taftville, 1940-1941




Taftville is a small village in eastern Connecticut. It is a neighborhood of Norwich but has its own post office (ZIP Code 06380). It was established in 1866 as site for the large Taftville Mill, later Ponemah Mill. The village is listed on the National Register of Historic Places as Taftville and as alternative name Taftville/Ponemah Mill National Register Historic District.
 Currently redevelopment of the large mill is being conducted by The O'Neill Group in conjunction with OneKey LLC. The National Parks Service will oversee the historic preservation of the structure, to ensure the historic elements are sustained. The 430,000-square-foot (40,000 m2) Ponemah Mill is being converted into luxury apartments and commercial space.]
 The Taftville Cotton Mill, a cotton textile factory, was built on the Shetucket River where a large dam could be built to provide power. The large mill building (Building No. 1) was purported to be the largest weave-shed under one roof at that time. The original workers were predominantly Irish immigrants, and they were hard hit by the depression of the 1870s that began with the Panic of 1873. Unemployment rose and wages dropped appreciably from 1873 to 1875, causing bitter relations between workers and management in many places.
 In April 1875, the 1,200 workers went on strike. The mill owners had raised rents in company-owned housing as well as prices at the company-owned store. Wages at the time were under $10 for a 67-hour work week. In one often-cited anecdote, a workingman said he and his daughter had worked full-time for more than three months but only had four dollars between them to show for it. The immediate cause of the strike was a pay cut of 12 percent in an attempt to stop unionization. Workers were told half of the pay cut would be restored to anyone who had not participated in trying to form a union at the company.
 The company replaced the workers with French Canadians, who would come to number more than 70 percent of the population. Workers were evicted from company-owned housing, and the Connecticut General Assembly passed a strict "tramp law" aimed at workers (such as those from Taftville) who became drifters after their strikes were broken.
 There is a public elementary school called Wequonnoc School and a private elementary school called Sacred Heart School (http://www.sacredhearttaftville.org).
 Students then attend Kelly Middle School. After graduating from there, they move on to either Norwich Free Academy, an independent school serving Norwich and several surrounding towns, Norwich Technical High School, or other surrounding high schools. There are two churches: Sacred Heart Roman Catholic Church and the Taftville Congregational Church.
 Among the more accomplished Taftville residents was Ned (Edward) Hanlon who managed the Pittsburgh Alleghenys (1889), Pittsburgh Burghers (1890), Baltimore Orioles (1892–1898), Brooklyn Superbas (1899–1905), and the Cincinnati Reds (1906–1907). He was inducted into the Baseball Hall of Fame in 1996. Another ballplayer was the Quebec-born right fielder, Augustine "Lefty" Dugas, whose family settled in Taftville. He played for the Pirates, Philadelphia Phillies and Washington Senators between 1930 and 1934.
 In the academic arena Saunders Mac Lane, was the son of the Minister of the Taftville Congregational Church and a mathematician of world note, who spent his career at the University of Chicago, Yale and Harvard. He was the co-author of A Survey of Modern Algebra, a book which was the standard work in that field for many years.





The Life of James Mars











LIFE
OF
JAMES MARS,
A SLAVE
BORN AND SOLD IN
CONNECTICUT.
SIXTH EDITION.
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF
HARTFORD:
PRESS OF CASE, LOCKWOOD & COMPANY.
1868.





TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
These will certify that the bearer, DEA. JAMES MARS, has been known to me and to the citizens of this town for a long period of years, as an honest, upright, truthful man,--a good citizen, an officer in his church, and a man whose life and character have gained the approbation, the esteem, and the good wishes of all who know him. Born a slave, the good providence of God has long since made him free, and, I trust, also taught him that "where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty."
JNO. TODD.
PITTSFIELD, Mass., June 23, 1864.

INTRODUCTION
When I made up my mind to write this story, it was not to publish it, but it was at the request of my sister that lived in Africa, and has lived there more than thirty years. She had heard our parents tell about our being slaves, but she was not born until a number of years after they were free. When the war in which we have been engaged began, the thought came to her mind that her parents and brothers and sisters were once slaves, and she wrote to me from Africa for the story. I came to Norfolk on a visit at the time the war broke out, and some in Norfolk remember that I was once a slave. They asked me about it; I told them something about it; they seemed to take an interest in it, and so as I was in Norfolk now, and having an opportunity to write it, I thought I would write it all through. In telling it to those, there were a great many things that I did not mention that I have written. After I had written it out, I saw that my brother and my other sister would think that I might give them the same; and my children had often asked me to write it. When I had got it written, as it made more writing than I was willing to undertake to give each of them one, I thought I would have it printed, and perhaps I might sell enough to pay the expenses, as many of the people now on the stage of life do not know that slavery ever lived in Connecticut.


A SLAVE BORN AND SOLD IN CONNECTICUT
THE treatment of slaves was different at the North from the South; at the North they were admitted to be a species of the human family. I was told when a slave boy, that some of the people said that slaves had no souls, and that they would never go to heaven, let them do ever so well.
My father was born in the State of New York, I think in Columbia county. He had, I think, three different masters in that State, one by the name of Vanepps, and he was Gen. Van Rensaeller's slave in the time of the Revolution, and was a soldier in that war; he was then owned by a man whose name was Rutser, and then was owned in Connecticut, in Salisbury, and then by the minister in North Canaan.
My mother was born in old Virginia, in Loudin county; I do not remember the name of the town. The minister of North Canaan, whose name was Thompson, went to Virginia for a wife, or she came to him; in some way they got together, so that they became man and wife. He removed her to Canaan, and she brought her slaves with her, and my mother was one of them. I think there were two of my mother's brothers also. The Rev. Mr. Thompson, as he was then called, bought my father, and he was married to my mother by him. Mr. Thompson ministered to the people of Canaan in holy things;
his slaves worked his farm. For a short time things went on very well; but soon the North and the South, as now, fell out; the South must rule, and after a time the North would not be ruled. The minister's wife told my father if she only had him in the South, where she could have at her call a half dozen men, she would have him stripped and flogged until he was cut in strings, and see if he would do as she bid him. She told him, You mind, boy, I will have you there yet, and you will get your pay for all that you have done. My father was a man of considerable muscular strength, and was not easily frightened into obedience. I have heard my mother say she has often seen her mother tied up and whipped until the blood ran across the floor in the room where she was tied and whipped.
Well, as I said, the South and the North could not agree; the South seceded and left the North; the minister's wife would not live North, and she and her husband picked up and went South, and left my father and mother in Canaan to work the farm, and they lived on the farm until I was eight years old. My mother had one child when she came from the South; I was the first she had after she was married. They had five children born in Canaan,--three died in infancy. I was born March 3d, 1790.
Mr. Thompson used to come up from Virginia and talk about our going South. He would pat me on the head and tell me what a fine boy I was. Once when he was in Canaan, he asked me if I would not like to go with him and drive the carriage for my
mistress. He said if I would go he would give me twenty-five cents, or as it was then called, twenty-five coppers. I told him I wanted the money first. He gave me a quarter, and then I would not agree to go, and he put me in the oven; that I did not like, and when I got out I would not give him the money, but his business I did not yet know. He had come to sell his farm and to take us all South. My father said he would not go alive; the minister told him he must go; my father said he never would. Well, the man that had formerly ministered to the people in holy things, sold the farm, and stock, and tools, and effects, with a few exceptions. He kept a pair of horses and harness, a wagon, a bed, and a few such articles. The harness and wagon he kept to take us to the South with. After he sold his place, he took us all to a wealthy friend of his, until he had settled up all his affairs, so as to show to the world that he was an honest and upright man. He would have them think that he feared God and let alone evil; for he was born or raised in the State of New York, and had taught the people of North Canaan the way to do, as you will see, for in former days he spoke to the people from the pulpit morally, and they thought much of the man. He had taught them slavery was right, and that the Great Almighty God had sanctioned the institution, and he would practice it. He now made his arrangements to set out on his journey; the day was fixed to leave his much-loved people and home for his southern home, where he had obtained a new home and friends and acquaintances.
My father, although a slave without education, was intensely watching the movements of the teacher of the people, but kept all that he saw to himself, yet he was steadily planning his escape. The set day had now within about thirty-six hours come; all went on well with the man from the South. He had had no thought but all was well; those fine chattels were his, and would fetch him in a southern market, at a moderate estimate, two thousand dollars; they would furnish him pocket change for some time, and also his loving wife could have a chance to wreak her vengeance on my father for what she called disobedience.
It was a matter of doubt with my father what course to take,--how he could get away with his family the best and safest; whether to go to Massachusetts, which joined Canaan on the north, or to Norfolk, which joined Canaan on the east. Very fortunately for us, there was at that time an unpleasant feeling existing between the two towns or the inhabitants of Canaan and Norfolk. He said that the people of Canaan would side with their former pastor, and he found that the people of Norfolk would take sides against Canaan and their pastor; then he thought the best that he could do would be to take his family to Norfolk, where they would be the safest. He concluded to take them to Norfolk, but how was he to get them there with what he wanted to take with them? He came to the conclusion that the horses he had for a long time driven might as well help him now in this hour of distress
as not. He got a colored man to help him that was stout and healthy. They hitched up the parson's team, put on board what few things he had and his family, in the still of a dark night, for it was very dark, and started for Norfolk, and on the way we run afoul of a man's wood-pile, for it was so dark he could not see the road; but we got off from the wood-pile without harm, and arrived in Norfolk about one o'clock. I think we stopped at a tavern kept by Mr. G. Pettibone, and in him we found a friend. We unloaded what we had, and father and the man that was with him took the team back to Canaan, so that the parson might set out on his journey and not have to wait for his team, and father returned to where he had left his family. He felt that he had done all for the parson that he well could, for he had taken away his family off from his hands, so that the parson would be relieved from the care that must necessarily occur in such a long journey with a family on his hands to see to, and my father thought that the parson's old Jewel would be relieved from some of her pardoned habits and from a promise she had so often made to him when she got him South. Well, how the parson felt when he had got himself out of bed, and found that he was left to pursue his journey alone, the reader can tell as well as I, for he was a big and bristle man; but I will leave him for a while, and see what is to be done with us.
It was soon known in the morning that we were in Norfolk; the first inquiry was, where will they be safe. The place was soon found. There was a man by the name of Phelps that had a house that was not occupied; it was out of the way and out of sight. After breakfast, we went to the house; it was well located; it needed some cleaning, and that my mother could do as well as the next woman. We all went to work and got it cleaned, and the next day went into it and stopped some time. Father did what work he could get out of the way, where he would not be seen, and it was necessary for him to keep out of sight, for Norfolk was the thoroughfare to Hartford. Days and weeks passed on, and we began to feel quite happy, hoping that the parson had gone South, as we heard nothing from him. At length we heard that he said he would have the two boys at all hazards. It was thought best that the boys should be away. So one dark night we heard that the parson was coming out with his men to find the boys, for have them he would. A man that lived near to us said he would take the boys where they would be safe. His name was Cady. It was agreed on, and he went with us over a mountain, over rocks and logs. It was very rough and steep, and the night was so dark that we could only see when it lightened. At last we got through the woods on the top of what is called Burr Mountain. We could look down in low grounds and see logs that were laid for the road across the meadow; at every flash they could be seen, but when it did not lighten we could not see anything; we kept on,--our pilot knew the way. At last we arrived at the place. The name of the family was Tibbals. The family consisted of an old man, a middle-aged man and his wife and four children, and a very pleasant family it was. We had not been there long before it was thought best that my brother should be still more out of the way, as he was about six years older than I, which made him an object of greater search, and they were at a loss where to send them, as he was then about fourteen years of age. There was a young man by the name of Butler, from Massachusetts; he was in Norfolk at the time, studying law; he said he would take him home with him, and he did so, as I supposed, and I saw him no more for more than two years.
I stopped with the family a few days, and then went home, or what I called home. It was where my parents and sister were. I found them very lonely. I had not been home many days before our quiet was disturbed, for the parson had his hunters out to find our whereabouts. He somehow found where we were. My sister and myself were at play out at the door; we saw two men in the woods, a little from the house, coming very fast, and they came into the house. My father was not far from the house; mother was in the house. The men were Captain Phelps, the man who owned the house, and Mr. Butler, the law student. They told us that we must now say whether we would go with the parson or not, and we must decide quick, for the parson was coming, and he would soon be on the spot, and there was no time to lose. Mother had said she was not unwilling to go herself, if it was not father and the children, and the parson had made her such promises that she was somewhat inclined to go. The parson talked so fair to her, he beguiled her, I suppose, somewhat as our first mother was beguiled in the garden. The beguilers were both, I do not say preachers, but they were both deceivers, and he talked so smooth to mother that he beguiled her. He told her if she would go to Canaan and see to his things and pack them up for him, then if she did not want to go, she need not. Mother talked with father; he did not incline to go, but finally he consented. The parson ordered a wagon, and it was soon on the spot; but where was Joseph?--he is not here. "I want him to go with us, that we may be all together," said the parson. Father saw what the parson's plan was: he told him the boy was on the way,--he could get him when we got to Canaan. I should have said that those two men that came to tell us that the parson was coming, hid in the barn before the parson arrived, and were not seen by him. They had a few words with my father while the parson went for his team. We set off for Canaan, and in the land of Canaan we arrived that day. Where is Joseph? Father said he would go for him the next day in the morning, or in the day. Father went, as the parson supposed, for Joseph. The parson was loading; mother was packing; all was now going on well. Night came, and when all was still, for father had told some one it would be late before he got back, he came and took the parson's horses, and took mother and the two children on horseback, and instead of going South, went to Norfolk, and got there about two o'clock in the morning. We stopped at a tavern kept by Captain Lawrence. The horses were sent back for the parson, for he said he should start the next day; but it seemed that he did not start for old Virginia, for we often heard of him after that day.
We stopped with Capt. Lawrence a few days. It was thought best by our friends that we should not all be together, for it was found that the parson was still in the land, and on the lookout for us. I was sent to a woman in the neighborhood, by the name of Darby--a poor woman. I stopped with her a few days, with instructions to keep still. The old lady had but one room in her place; most likely it was thought she had so little room that she would not be suspected of harboring a fugitive.
A man by the name of Walter lived near by; he was in the habit of coming in to see how his boy did, as he called me. He told me when any one came there I must get under the bed. I used to sit in the corner of the room, so that I should not be seen from the window. I stayed there a number of days,--I do not now remember how many. One day I ventured to take a peep through the key-hole; the door was locked. Some one came to the door; I made a bound, and then a roll, and I was out of sight. The door was opened, and it was my friend Mr. Walter. He was amused to hear the performance; he said he would take me with him the next day, he was going to work in a back lot where it would be out of sight. So the next day I went with him; it was quite a treat. At noon we ate our dinner in the field; that was new to me. After dinner Mr. Walter lay down on the ground; he told me he should go to sleep, and I must keep a look-out to see if any one came in sight. If I saw any one, I must wake him. I kept watch, but there was none came to disturb him in his repose. The day passed away, and we returned home at night--all well, as I supposed; but it seemed that the parson had his pickets out, and had got an idea that I was somewhere in the street. That night I had to leave my place at Mrs. Darby's, and went about a mile to a man's house by the name of Upson; he lived on a back street. I thought him to be a friend; I do not know but he was,--but as I find that men now act in relation to slavery, I am inclined to think otherwise. The next morning the man went to his work; he was painting for the minister in Norfolk. Mrs. Upson sent me to the brook, a little way from the house, to fetch a pail of water. I did not like going into the street very much, but being taught by my parents to obey, I went without any words. As I got to the brook, a man rode into the brook with a cocked hat on. I did not much like his looks. I did not know who he was. Said he,--"My boy, where is your father and mother?" I said, "I don't know, sir." "Where is you brother?" "I don't know, sir." "Where do you live?" "I don't know, sir." "Whom do you stay with?" "I don't know, sir." I did not then know the name of the man. He rode off, or rather I left him asking questions. He looked after me till I got to the house, and rode up. I asked Mrs. Upson who it was that came to the brook when I was there. She said it was Mr. Robbins, the minister. I thought nothing of it, for I thought all the people in Norfolk were our friends. In a few hours, the woman sent me to the neighbor's to get some water from the well. It was a widow woman where I went to get the water, and there I found my father. He said that Capt. Lawrence had been there and told him that Mr. Robbins had sent his son to Canaan to tell parson Thompson that he had seen one of his boys, and we must go in the woods, for he thought the parson would come out to look for me. Father took the water and went with it to the house that I brought the pail from. The family where I went for the water, I shall always remember with the kindest feelings. We have ever, from that day to the present, been on the best terms, and I believe three of them are living now. Two of them live in that same house that they then lived in, and the transactions of this narrative took place sixty five years ago. Their name is Curtiss.
When father came back, we set off for the woods pointed out by our friends; we went across the lots and came to a road, and crossed that into another open field. The woods were in the backside of the field. As we went on, we ascended a ridge of land, and we could see the road that led from Canaan to
Norfolk. The road then went past the burying-ground, and we could see it from where we were. We saw fourteen men on horseback; they were men we knew; the parson was one of them. We hid behind a log that was near us until they got out of sight; we then went into the woods, and there we found my mother and sister; they had been sent there by the man that had told us of the parson's information of where I was. We all remained there. This I should think was about two or three o'clock in the afternoon. Very soon the thought of night came to mind; how we were to spend the night, and what we should do for something to eat; but between sundown and dark a man passed along by the edge of the woods, whistling as he went. After he had passed on, father went up where the man went along, and came back with a pail or basket, and in it was our supper. We sat down and ate. The man we saw no more that night, but how were we to spend the night I could not tell; it was starlight, yet it was out in the woods, but father and mother were there, and that was a comfort to us children, but we soon fell asleep and forgot all our troubles, and in the morning we awoke and were still in the woods. In due time the man that passed along the night before, came again with more food for us, and then went his way; his name was Walter. We spent several days in the woods,--how many I do not remember. I think it was the fore part of the week when we went into the woods; we were there over the Sabbath, for I well remember a man by the name of Bishop had a shop where he fulled and dressed cloth not very far from where we were, and he came to the back door of his shop and stood and looked out a while, and went in and shut the door. I felt afraid he would see us. We kept very still, but I think he did not know that we were there; if he did, it did us no hurt. We were fed by kind friends all the time we were in the woods.
One afternoon, or towards night, it was thought it would be safe to go to a barn and sleep. After it was dark we went to a barn belonging to Mr. Munger and slept, but left it while the stars were shining, and so for a few nights, and then it was thought we might sleep in the house. The next night after dark, we went in the house of Mr. Munger for the night. My sister and myself were put up in a back chamber, behind barrels and boxes, closely put together, out of sight for safe keeping. We had not been there long before mother came and told us we must get up, for Captain Lawrence, our friend, had sent word that the parson said he would have the boys at any rate, whether he got the parents or not. His pickets were going to search every house within a mile of the meeting-house that night, or search until he found them. But we went into the woods again; we were there awhile again; when it rained, we went sometimes into a barn when we dared. After a time it was rather still, and we were at one house and sometimes at another. We had pickets out as well as the parson. It was thought best that I should not be with the rest of the family, for the hunt seemed to be for the boys. My brother, I have said, was out of the State. I was sent to one family, and then to another, not in one place long at a time. The parson began to think the task harder than he had an idea; it rather grew worse and more perplexing; he did not know what to do. He was outwitted in all his attempts; every effort or trial he had made, had failed. He now thought of giving my father and mother and sister their freedom if they would let him have the boys to take with him; this they would not do.
After some time was spent, the parson or his pickets had an idea that we were all at Capt. Lawrence's house, shut up there; how to find out if we were there or not, was the puzzle. They contrived various plans, but did not succeed. Finally there was one thing yet. They knew that Mr. Lawrence loved money; they thought they would tempt him with that; so they came to his house and made trial. They met together one day and wanted to search his house; he would not consent for a time; they urged and he refused. He finally told them on certain conditions they might go into every room but one. They went into all the rooms but one. They then wanted to go into the room that they had not been into; they offered him money to let them go into the room,--how much he did not tell, as I know of. He finally consented. The much-desired room was a chamber over the kitchen. Mr. Lawrence opened the door at the foot of the stairs, and called and said, "Jupiter! (for that was my father's first name,) you must look out for yourself now, for I can not hide you any longer." He then told the parson's pickets they must take care, for Jupiter says he will kill the first man that lays hands on him. They hesitated some; they then went up stairs still, and stopped a short time, and then with a rush against the door, it gave way, and they all went in. They found the landlady sitting there as composed as summer, with her knitting-work, unconscious of an arrest to go south as a slave! but they found us not, although the room they last went into was the one we had occupied all the time we were in that house, sometimes one night, sometimes a week, and then in the woods or elsewhere, as was thought best to keep out of the way.
The pickets returned to the land of Canaan to see what was to be the next move. The parson then proposed to give my father and mother and sister their freedom, if they would let him have the boys. That they would not do; but the boys he said he must have. As my brother was away, it was thought best that I should be away. I was sent to Mr. Pease, well-nigh Canaan, and kept rather dark. I was there for a time, and I went to stay with a man by the name of Camp, and was with him a time, and then I went to stay with a man by the name of Akins, and stayed with him a few days, and went to a man by the name of Foot, and was with him a few days. I went to another man by the name of Akins, and was there some time. The parson was not gone south yet, for he could not well give up his prey. He then proposed to sell the boys until they were twenty-five, to somebody here that my parents would select, for that was as long as the law of Connecticut could hold slaves, and he would give the other members of the family their freedom. It was finally thought best to do that if the purchasers that were acceptable could be found. Some friends were on the lookout. Finally a man by the name of Bingham was found; it was a man that my father was once a slave to; he would take my brother,--then a man by the name of Munger would buy me if they could agree. Mr. Bingham lived in Salisbury, Mr. Munger lived in Norfolk; the two men lived about fifteen miles apart, both in Connecticut.
The trade was made, and we two boys were sold for one hundred pounds a head, lawful money,--yes, sold by a man, a minister of the gospel in Connecticut, the land of steady habits. It would seem that the parson was a worshiper with the Athenians, as Paul said unto them when he stood on Mars Hill, he saw an inscription on one of their altars; and it would seem that the parson forgot or passed over the instruction of the apostle that God made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth.
The parson was a tall man, standing six feet in his boots, and had no legitimate children to be heirs to his ill-gotten gains. The bargain was made on the 12th of September, 1798. Then I was informed that I was sold to Mr. Munger, and must go and live with him. The man I did not know, but the thought of being sold, not knowing whether I was ever to see my parents, or brother, or sister again, was more than I could endure; the thought that I was sold, as I did not then know for how long, it was hard to think of; and where were my parents I knew not: It was a sad thought, but go I must. The next morning (I was to go the morning of the 13th) was a sad morning to me. The morning was clear, without a cloud. I was told where the man lived, and I must go, for he had bought me. I thought of my parents; should I, oh! should I never see them again? As I was taught to obey my superiors, I set out; it was a little over a mile. The way was long. I went alone. Tears ran down my cheeks. I then felt for the first time that I was alone in the world, no home, no friends, and none to care for me. Tears ran, but it did no good; I must go, and on I went. And now sixty-five years have passed away since that time; those feelings are fresh in my memory. But on my way to my new home I saw my father; I will not attempt to describe my feelings when he told me he had taken rooms in the same neighborhood, and should be near me. That made the rough way smooth. I went on then cheerful and happy. I arrived at the place. I found a man with a small family; it consisted of himself and wife and three daughters. The oldest was near my age. The family appeared pleasant. I ate a bowl of bread and milk, and was told to mount a horse that was at the door with a bag of rye on his back, and ride to the field; that was about a mile off. The man went with me, and on the way we passed the house of Mrs. Curtiss, where I mentioned in the former part of this narrative of going for well-water for Mrs. Upson. We went to the field and worked that day; went home at night. The family appeared very pleasant, and I felt pleased to think that the parson had gone, for I was told that he went the same day that I went to my new home. In a short time my father and mother and sister came into the neighborhood to live. I was allowed to go and see them one evening in two weeks. They lived about sixty rods from where I lived. Things went on well. I was very contented, and felt glad that the fear of being carried south was at an end. The parson was out of town and out of mind. I soon became acquainted with Mrs. Curtiss' boys, for I passed the house where they lived every day, as Mr. Manger's farm was beyond where they lived. I soon was feeling contented and happy. There was one thing that was unfortunate for me; Mr. Munger was not a stout, strong man, and not very healthy, and had no other help but me, and of course I had many things to do beyond my strength. I do not complain of many things, yet there are two things more I will mention. One of them I feel to this day, and that I feel the most is that I did not have an opportunity to go to school as much as I should, for all the books I ever had in school were a spelling-book, a primer, a Testament, a reading-book called Third Part, and after that a Columbian Orator. My schooling was broken and unsteady after the first second winters, as Mr. Munger had no help, and had to go something like two miles for his wood. He would take me with him to the woods, and he would take a load and go home, and leave me to chop while he was gone. The wood was taken off from a fallow where he had sowed rye. It was in piles. Some had to be cut once, and some twice, and some three times. I went to school the most of the first winter; after that my schooling was slim. The other thing was, he was fond of using the lash. I thought so then, and made up my mind if I ever was the strongest I would pay back some of it. However, things went on, and I thought a good deal of Mr. Munger; yet I wonder sometimes why I was not more contented than I was, and then I wonder why I was as contented as I was. The summers that I was thirteen and fourteen, I was sick; they began to think I had the consumption. They sometimes would say to me, "If you should die we should lose a hundred pounds." I do not know as Mr. Munger ever said that, but it was said to me. But I will pass on with my story.
I soon found out that I was to live or stay with the man until I was twenty-five. I found that white boys who were bound out, were bound until they were twenty-one. I thought that rather strange, for those boys told me they were to have one hundred dollars when their time was out. They would say to me sometimes, "You have to work four years longer than we do, and get nothing when you have done, and we get one hundred dollars, a Bible, and two suits of clothes." This I thought of.
Some of the family or friends of the family would tell me what a good boy I should be, because Mr. Munger saved me from slavery. They said I must call him Master; but Mr. Munger never told me to, so I never did. If he had told me to, I should have done so, for I stood greatly in fear of him, and dreaded his displeasure, for I did not like the lash. I had made up my mind that I would not stay with him after I was twenty-one, unless my brother did with the man he lived with. My brother had been home to see us, and we went once to see him. I asked my brother how long he was going to stay with Mr. Bingham. He said Mr. Bingham said he should have his time when he was twenty one. Well then, I would have my time, I said to myself. Things went on, and I found Mr. Munger to be a very good sort of a man. I had now got to be fifteen years of age. I had got my health, and had grown to be a big boy, and was called pretty stout, as the word is, yet I was afraid of Mr. Munger. I actually stood in fear of him.
I had now got to be in my sixteenth year, when a little affair happened, which, though trivial in itself, yet was of consequence to me. It was in the season of haying, we were going to the hayfield after a load of hay. Mr. Munger and I were in the cart, he sitting on one side and I on the other. He took the fork in both of his hands, and said to me very pleasantly, "Don't you wish you were stout enough to pull this away from me?" I looked at him, and said, "I guess I can;" but I did not think so. He held it toward me with both his hands hold of the stale. I looked at him and then at the fork, hardly daring to take hold of it, and wondering what he meant, for this was altogether new. He said, "Just now see if you can do it." I took hold of it rather reluctantly, but I shut my hand tight. I did as Samson did in the temple; I bowed with all my might, and he came to me very suddenly. The first thought that was in my mind was, my back is safe now. All went on well for two months or more; all was pleasant, when one day he--or Mr. Munger, I should have said-- was going from home, and he told me, as was usual, what to do. I went to my work, and did it just as he told me. At night, when he came home, he asked me what I had been doing. I told him, but he did not seem satisfied. I told him I had done just what he told me. He said I had not done what I ought to have done. I told him I had done what he told me. That was more than I had ever said before. He was angry and got his horsewhip, and said he would learn me. He raised his hand and stood ready to strike. I said, "You had better not!" I then went out at the door. I felt grieved to see him in such a rage when I had done just as he told me, and I could not account for it. If he had been a drinking man, I should not have wondered; but he was not, he was a sober man. I could not get over my feeling for some time, but all was pleasant the next day. I said to his daughters that I would not stay there a day after I was twenty-one, for I did not know what their father meant. I did just as he told me, and thought I was doing what he would be satisfied with. They told me not to mind it. Things went on from that time as well as I could wish. From that time until I was twenty one, I do not remember that he ever gave me an unpleasant word or look. While I lived with him, after that time, I felt that I had now got as good a place as any of the boys that were living out. I often went with his team to Hartford and to Hudson, which the other boys did not that lived in the neighborhood. I now felt that I could do anything for the family; I was contented and happy.
The year that I was eighteen, Mr. Munger was concerned in an iron establishment, manufacturing iron. He had a sister living in Oneida county, and he learned that iron was high or brought a good price there. He told me he thought he would send a load out there and get a load of wheat, and asked me if I would go out with a load. I told him I would if he wished me to; he said he did. He got every thing ready, and I set out the 17th day of October, and thought it would take me about two weeks or thereabouts. On I went, and when I got there I could exchange my iron for wheat readily, but none had their wheat out, and their barn-floors were so full that they could not thrash. I had to wait a week. As soon as I got my load, I set out for home. I was gone a day or two over three weeks. After I got to Norfolk, I passed the house where my parents lived. They told me that it was very current with the people that I had sold the horses and wagon, and was seen by some one that knew me, and was on my way to Canada. They said that Mr. Munger said he did not believe it,--he said he should not trouble himself. Yet I went on home. He was glad to see me; asked if I had any bad luck. I told how it was, and he was satisfied, and said when he saw the team that they were in better condition than they were when I left home. "Now they may talk as much as they please; you and the team, wagon and load are here." And when I told him what I had done, he said he was perfectly satisfied, I had done well; he had no fault to find. Everything went on first-rate. I did my best to please him, and it seemed to me that the family did the same. I now took the hardest end of the work. I was willing to do what I could. I was willing to work, and thought much of the family, and they thought something of me. Mr. Munger was receiving his share of offices of the town, and was from home a portion of his time. I felt ambitious to have our work even with others. He said his work went on as well as if he was there.
When I was in my twentieth year, a nephew of Mr. Munger came to board with him; he was studying law. Mr. Munger and I were accustomed to talk about my term of service with him. I told him I did not mean to stay with him until I was twenty-five. He said he thought I would if I meant to do what was fair and just. I told him that my brother had his time when he was twenty-one, and I wanted my time. He finally had some talk with his nephew, who said that he could hold me. But finally Mr. Munger made me an offer of what he would give me if I would stay. I thought the offer was tolerably fair. I had now become attached to the family. I told him that I would stay, as he had often said he thought I ought to stay after I was twenty-one. I thought I would divide the time with him in part, as the offer he made would not cover the whole time. All was fixed, and I worked on. Nothing more was said for a long time about it; then the thing was spoken about, and the same mind as in us both, and I felt satisfied. The fall previous to my being twenty-one came; all was right, as I thought. The winter came and nothing was said. The last of February came. I heard it hinted that Mr. Munger had said that that he should not make any bargain with me, but if I left him he would follow me. The thing was understood by us, and I paid no attention to it. March came, and nothing was said. The third of March was my birthday. All was quiet, and I kept on as before until the first of April. It was told me that Mr. Munger said that his nephew had examined the law and found that he could hold me, and what he gave me would be his unless he was bound by a written agreement. As there were no writings given, I began to think it was time to know how it was. There was another thing now came to mind.
When I was thirteen years old, Mr. Munger bought a calf of my father, and gave it to me, and said he would keep it until it was two years old, and then I might sell it and have what it brought. He kept it. He had a mate for it, and when the steers were two years old he sold them for twenty-four dollars. He then told me that he would give me a heifer of the age the steer was, and when she had a calf he would take her to double in four years. When I was seventeen he gave me a heifer, and she had a calf that spring, and the first of April he said he would take her, and at the end of four years from that time he would give me two cows and two calves. That was agreed on. The next year, in March or April, one of his oxen hooked my cow; it hurt her so that the cow died. Well, now, what was to be done? He said at the time agreed on I should have my cows. I was content with that and worked on, feeling that all would be made right. I thought I should have two cows with those calves when I was twenty-one, and that would be a beginning. Afterward I agreed to stay with him until I was twenty-five; I could let them until that time. I will now go on with my story. I asked him for my cows and calves. He said he should not let me have any. He said if I stayed and did well perhaps he would give me a cow. I asked him if that was all that I was to have if I stayed until I was twenty-five. He said he would see. I asked when he would see. He said when the time came. I then told him I had been told that Warren (that was the name of his nephew) had told him not to give me what he had agreed to, and I wanted to know if he would do as he had agreed to or not. He said I belonged to him, and I could not help myself. I told him I would stay with him as I had said if he would give me a writing obligating himself to give me the sum we had agreed upon. After hesitating a short time, he said he would not give a writing; he would not be bound. I told him I had got that impression, "and if you say you will not give me what you said you would, I will not work another day." He then said if I left him he would put me in jail and keep me there a year at any rate. This was on Saturday. The next day I picked up what few duds I had, and at evening, as it was the Sabbath, I told him I had done all the work for him that I should do. I then bade him good night I and left his house, and went to my father's. The next day in the afternoon, Mr. Munger and nephew came to my father's with a sheriff. I was not in the house. He told my father that he would pay my board in jail for one year, and I could not help myself. They took what few clothes I had, and went away before I got home. It was well it was so. I told my father that I would stay in jail as long as Mr. Munger would find money. I sent the word to Mr. Munger. He sent me word that I should have an opportunity to. My people wanted to have me go away for a time. I thought at first I would. Then I saw that I had nothing to go with, and had no clothes for a change. I would not leave. I told them I would go to jail. I thought perhaps I could get the liberty of the yard, and then I could earn something to get some clothes, and then I would leave for Canada or some other parts.
A few days after, I heard that Mr. Munger said he would leave it to men how it should be settled, and he sent me such word. I sent word to him, no, I was going to jail, if he would keep his word. He finally said as I had always been faithful, he would not or had rather not put me in jail. My parents said so much, they did not want to have me go to jail, that I finally said I would leave it to three men if they were men that I liked: if they were not, I would not. He said I might name the men; their judgment was to be final. The men were selected, the time and place specified. The day came, the parties met, and the men were on hand. Mr. Munger had his nephew for counsel; I plead my case myself. A number of the neighbors were present. Mr. Munger's counsel began by saying that his uncle had bought me, and had paid for me until I was twenty-five, and that he had a right to me. I then told his nephew that I would have a right to him some day, for he was the cause of all the difficulty. He said no more. The arbitrators asked Mr. Munger if he had anything against me. He said he had not. They asked him, in case they gave him anything, if he wished me to work it out with him; he said he did. They went out a few moments, and returned and said that I must pay Mr. Munger $90. He then asked me to go home with him, and he would hire me. I told him I would go and get my clothes, for that was in the decision. He said I could have them. His nephew did not want me to live with his uncle, if he boarded with him. I told Mr. Munger that I would not work for him. I hired to another man, and went to work in the same neighborhood. This nephew kept an eye on me for a long time, and always gave me the road whenever he saw me coming. Mr. Munger and family always treated me with attention whenever I met them; they made me welcome to their house and to their table. If that nephew had not interfered, there would have been no trouble.
Things all went on pleasantly. In about four years I went there again to work, and in a short time Mr. Munger and his two daughters joined the church of which his wife was a member. I joined the same church, and was often at his house. Mr. Munger was unfortunate and lost his property, not as people lose their property now. He was poor and not very healthy, and his wife and the daughter that was not married, not being healthy, and he being a man advanced in life, it wore upon him and his family, and his daughter went into a decline. I went west, and was gone about three months, and on my return went to see the family, and found the daughter very much out of health and wasting away. I called again the next day but one. As I had been accustomed to take care of the sick, she asked me to stop with her that night. I did so, and went to my work in the morning. The second day after, I called again to see her, and she made the same request. I staid and watched with her that night. She asked what I thought of her; I told her I feared she would never be any better. She then asked me to stay with her if she did not get any better, while she lived. I told her I would. A cousin of hers, a young lady, was there, and we took the care of her for four weeks. I mention this because it was a time to be remembered and cherished by me while I live. We were in the daily habit of speaking of her prospects and how she felt. She would speak of death with as much apparent composure as of any other subject. She said very little to her friends about her feelings. The day that she died was the evening of the Sabbath. About six o'clock in the afternoon, or rather all that day, she did not appear to be as well; but at the time just mentioned she sunk away and seemed to be gone for a short time, when she revived as one out of sleep, suddenly, and seemed surprised, and said, "There is nothing that I want to stay here for; let me go." She then bade her friends farewell, and told them not to weep for her, for she was going. Her countenance seemed as if lit up with heavenly love, and for a short time she seemed to be away from the world, and then was still and said but little. About eleven o'clock she wanted to be moved. She was moved. She then wanted to drink. I gave her, or put the glass to her lips. She did not swallow any. I saw there was a change, and before her friends could get into the room her spirit had fled.
That was a scene that I love to think of. It makes me almost forget that I ever was a slave to her father; but so it was. I staid until she was buried, and then I went West again. Her parents were broken-hearted indeed. I returned from the West, and spent a part of the summer with Mr. Munger. I afterwards worked where I chose for a few years. I was frequently at Mr. Munger's house. He seemed depressed, his health rather declined, and he finally sank down and was sick. He sent for me; I went to him, and he said he wished to have me stay with him. I told him I would, and I staid with him until he died, and closed the eyes of his daughter when she died, and his also. And now to look back on the whole transaction, it all seems like a dream. It is all past, never to be re-acted. That family have all gone, with one exception.


APPENDIX.
This Appendix is by request of those that have read what is before it:--
After the death of Mr. Munger, I married a wife and lived in Norfolk a few years; we had two children. We went to Hartford after awhile; I worked for the then known firm of E. & R. Terry. There was a man came to Hartford from Savannah, with his family; he came to school his daughter. He brought a slave girl with him to care for the smaller children. My wife washed for the family. All went on well for about two years. The Southern man's name was Bullock, and the slave's name was Nancy. One day when I was at work in the store, a gentleman came where I was; he asked if this was deacon Mars. I said "Yes, sir." He said Mr. Bullock was about to send Nancy to Savannah, "and we want to make a strike for her liberty, and we want some man to sign a petition for a writ of habeas corpus to bring Mr. Bullock before Judge Williams; they tell me that you are the man to sign the petition." I asked him who was to draw the writ; he said Mr. Wm. W. Ellsworth. I went to Mr. Ellsworth's office with the man. I signed the petition. I then went to my work. I told Mr. Ellsworth that it would cause an excitement; if he wanted me at any time, I would be on hand. The writ was served on Mr. Bullock, and he was brought before Judge Williams, but Nancy could not be found. The court adjourned till eight o'clock the next morning. At night Nancy came to the house where they were boarding; she had been out as she was accustomed to go with the children. Mrs. Bullock told Nancy to go to bed. She somehow had an idea that all was not right; she opened the door, and gave it a swing to shut, but it did not shut, as she said afterwards. She thought she would see what they were talking about. She said Mrs. B. told Mr. Bullock to start in the morning at 4 o'clock with Nancy for New York; "never mind the bond, and send Nancy South." I omitted to mention that the court put Mr. Bullock under a bond of $400 to appear the next morning at 8 o'clock. The plan to send Nancy South was fixed on. Nancy said to herself, "When you come where I be, I wont be there." She went out of the house, and went to the house of a colored man and stopped for the night. The next morning the court sat; master and slave were both there. The court said it was the first case of the kind ever tried in the State of Connecticut, and the Supreme Court of Errors was to meet in ten days, and was composed of five judges; he would adjourn the trial until the session of that court.
During those ten days I had a fair opportunity to see how strong a hold slavery had on the feelings of the people in Hartford. I was frowned upon; I was blamed; I was told that I had done wrong; the house where I lived would be pulled down; I should be mobbed; and all kinds of scarecrows were talked about, and this by men of wealth and standing. I kept on about my work, not much alarmed. The ten days passed away; the Supreme Court of Errors sat; Judge Williams was chief judge. The case was argued on both sides. When the plea was ended, then came the decision:--two of the court would send Nancy back to slavery; two were for her release; we shall hear from Williams to-morrow at eight o'clock.
At the time appointed all were in attendance to hear from Judge Williams. The Judge said that slavery was tolerated in some of the States, but it was not now in this State; we all liked to be free. This girl would like to be free; he said she should be free,--the law of the State made her free, when brought here by her master. This made a change in the feelings of the people. I could pass along the streets in quiet. Nancy said when she went into the court-house on the last day she had two large pills of opium; had she been sentenced to go back, she should have swallowed both of them before she left the court house.
Now to my family. I have said I had two children born in Norfolk, and six in Hartford. One died in infancy. I lived in Hartford about sixteen years. I took a very prominent part in the organization of the Talcott Street Church. I moved from Hartford to Pittsfield, Mass. When I had been there three years and a half, my wife died in November; the May following I lost a son sixteen years of age. My oldest son enlisted in the U. S. Navy when he was eighteen, and has followed the sea ever since. I had another that went to sea, that I have not heard from for eight years. My oldest daughter went to Africa, to Cape Palmas; she went out a teacher, and has been there five years. I have a son who, when the war broke out, when the first gun was fired on Sumter, wanted to enlist, and did enlist in the navy, and went out on the brig Bainbridge, and served until she was stopped for repairs. He then went on the Newbern and served his time, and has an honorable discharge. Another, and the last one, enlisted in the artillery and went to New Orleans, but never, no, never came back, nor will he ever come again. I have a daughter in Massachusetts, of a frail constitution. She has a family to care for. I have none to care for me that has anything to spare, yet my children are willing to help as far as they are able. As they are not able I feel willing to do all that I can to help to get my living. The question is sometimes asked me if I have not any means of support. The fact is, I have nothing but what I have saved within the last three years. I have spent a portion of that time with my book about the country. I am now in my seventy-ninth year of age, I cannot labor but little, and finding the public have a desire to know something of what slavery was in the State of Connecticut, in its time, and how long since it was at an end, in what year it was done away, and believing that I have stated the facts, many are willing to purchase the book to satisfy themselves as to slavery in Connecticut. Some told me that they did not know that slavery was ever allowed in Connecticut, and some affirm that it never did exist in the State. What I have written of my own history, seems to satisfy the minds of those that read it, that the so called, favored state, the land of good morals and steady habits, was ever a slave state, and that slaves were driven through the streets tied or fastened together for market. This seems to surprise some that I meet, but it was true. I have it from reliable authority. Yes, this was done in Connecticut.
August 22d, 1866, I had a fall and uncapped my knee, that laid me by ten months, so that I was unable to travel or do anything to help myself, but by the help of Him that does all things well, I have got so as to be able to walk with a staff. During the time that I was confined with my knee, I met with kind treatment, although I was away from home. I was in the state of New York at the time of my misfortune, away from any of my relations, still I was under the watchful care of a Friend that sticketh closer than a brother. He has thus far provided for me, and I feel assured that He will if I trust Him, with all my heart and soul and strength, and serve Him faithfully, which is my duty, the few years or days that are allotted to me, and it is my prayer that I may have grace to keep me, that I may not dishonor the cause of Christ, but that I may do that which will be acceptable in the sight of my Heavenly Father, so that I may do good to my fellow-men.
One thing in my history I have not mentioned, which I think of importance. Although born and raised in Connecticut, yes, and lived in Connecticut more than three-fourths of my life, it has been my privilege to vote at five Presidential elections. Twice it was my privilege and pleasure to help elect the lamented and murdered Lincoln, and if my life is spared I intend to be where I can show that I have the principles of a man, and act like a man, and vote like a man, but not in my native State; I cannot do it there, I must remove to the old Bay State for the right to be a man. Connecticut, I love thy name, but not thy restrictions. I think the time is not far distant when the colored man will have his rights in Connecticut.



James Mars, b. 1790
Life of James Mars, A Slave Born and Sold in Connecticut. Written by Himself
Hartford: Case, Lockwood & Company, 1864.
Summary

James Mars (1790-1880) was a Connecticut slave who, with his family, refused to follow his master, a minister named Thompson, to Virginia, where he would have been denied the emancipation guaranteed him at age twenty-five under Connecticut law. With the help of the white citizens of Norfolk, Connecticut, Mars successfully evaded his master's attempts to kidnap and smuggle him across state lines. In his later life, he enjoyed a prominent place in New England's African American community. During the 1830s, Mars worked in a dry goods store in Hartford, Connecticut, and served as a deacon in the local Congregational church. He also played an important part in the African American enfranchisement and temperance movements. Mars was a principal in the 1837 landmark case Jackson v. Bulloch, in which the Connecticut Supreme Court granted slave Nancy Jackson her freedom after two years of residency in the state with her Georgia master, James Bulloch. Around 1845, Mars moved his wife and eight children to Pittsfield, Massachusetts, where he stayed for twenty years before returning to Norfolk and publishing Life of James Mars (1864). Life went through at least six editions, and the 1868 edition provides a more detailed summary of his later life. Even in his old age, Mars prided himself on being self-sufficient. At "seventy-four years of age" he boasted that in "the hay season that is just passed I took my scythe and went into the hay field and took my turn with the hands, day after day, with the same pay" (p. 35). Mars moved to Ashley Falls, Massachusetts, where he died in 1880.
The Life of James Mars centers around a struggle between northern and southern ideas of slavery, a struggle embodied by the marriage of Mars's master, the Reverend Thompson of Canaan, Connecticut, to a Virginia woman. Thompson's marriage leads to the marriage of Mars's own parents (his father is the New York-born property of Thompson, and his mother is the Virginia-born property of Thompson's wife) and his birth, but it also leads Thompson and his wife to disagree over where they should live. Describing Thompson and his wife as embodiments of their respective regions and figures of the subsequent Civil War, Mars explains that "the South and the North could not agree; the South seceded and left the North; the minister's wife would not live North, and she and her husband picked up and went South, and left my father and mother in Canaan to work the farm" until 1798 (p. 6). Because Connecticut law prohibited the removal of slaves from the state, Thompson originally leaves the couple behind in the hope that their continued labor would be more valuable to him than their sale.
Eventually, Thompson wants to divest himself of his Connecticut interests and demands that Mars and his family come to Virginia. The Mars family escapes to neighboring Norfolk in the night instead, because "at that time an unpleasant feeling existing between the two towns or the inhabitants of Canaan and Norfolk" convinces Mars's father that "the people of Norfolk would take sides against Canaan and their pastor" (pp. 8-9). The people of Norfolk harbor Mars and his brother, who hide apart from their parents and sister because Thompson's primary interest is in the boys, who are more profitable to him.
Eventually, Thompson tracks down Mars's parents in Norfolk and tries to persuade them to relocate. He succeeds in persuading Mars's mother by speaking so kindly and making such promises to her that "he beguiled her, I suppose, somewhat as our first mother was beguiled in the garden," and she agrees to help him pack for the move to Virginia (p. 12). After packing Thompson's belongings, Mars's father is able to dissuade his wife from moving south, and the two again escape to Norfolk in the night. Thompson next tries to bargain with the parents, offering to give "my father and mother and sister their freedom if they would let him have the boys to take with him" but "this they would not do" (p. 18).
Unable to discover where Mars is hidden or convince his parents to move to Virginia, Thompson eventually sells his rights to Mars to a local farmer named Munger for a hundred pounds on September 12, 1798. Mars enjoys his life with the Mungers, regretting only that "I did not have an opportunity to go to school as much as I should, for all the books I ever had in school were a spelling-book, a primer, a Testament, a reading-book called Third Part, and after that a Columbian Orator." He also discloses that Munger is "fond of using the lash" (pp. 23-24).
Mars compares his life with the Mungers until age twenty-one with that of contemporary white boys, who were often bound to local farmers or artisans by their parents and subject to the whims of their masters. When Mars is sixteen, he engages in a friendly contest of strength with Munger and "did as Samson did in the temple. I bowed with all my might, and he came to me very suddenly. The first thought that was in my mind was my back is safe now" because Munger is no longer able to whip Mars without his consent (p. 26). When Mars turns twenty-one, he wishes to be treated in the same manner as an indentured white boy who typically received "one hundred dollars, a Bible, and two suits of clothes" when his term of service ended on his twenty-first birthday (p. 24). But Connecticut law stipulated that the children of slaves remained the property of their masters until turning twenty-five, and Munger refuses to release Mars, despite earlier promises.
Munger eventually agrees to settle the question of Mars's freedom through arbitration, and a panel rules that Mars must pay Munger ninety dollars to be released from the remainder of his service. Mars earns the necessary sum by working for another farmer in Norfolk until he turns twenty-five, when he returns to the Munger household of his own free will. Mars frequently visits "the West," but he returns to Munger's side when his last owner's "health rather declined, and he finally sank down and was sick" (p. 35). Mars cares for Munger and his sick daughter until they both die, and the positive emotion this experience promotes "makes me almost forget that I ever was a slave" in the Munger household (p. 34).
Works Consulted: Hinks, Peter, "James Mars," Encyclopedia of African American History, 1619-1895: From the Colonial Period to the Age of Frederick Douglass, Ed. Paul Finkelman, New York: Oxford University Press, 2006; Menschel, David, "Abolition Without Deliverance: The Law of Connecticut Slavery 1784-1848," The Yale Law Journal 111.1 (October 2001): 183-222; White, David, "The Real Life of James Mars," Connecticut History 43 (Spring 2004): 28–46.